No elementary change in RSS ideology since MS Golwalkar

It’s straightforward, within the easiest sense of issues, to conflate and confuse the RSS with conservative political actions, notably within the West. It’s simpler nonetheless, within the present second of its political dominance, to think about that the ability its electoral wing enjoys is a perform of a elementary evolution within the Hindutva ideology. Each assumptions, nonetheless, belie a actuality that’s concurrently extra easy and sophisticated. Sarsanghchalak Mohan Bhagwat’s annual Vijayadashami speech made it clear that the much-touted “outreach” by the Sangh just isn’t a shift in ideology or technique. Moderately, it’s in service of the concept of the Indian nation (a far cry from the constitutional notion of the Indian state) as a territorial, non secular entity.

Even a cursory studying of Bunch of Ideas by the second Sarsanghchalak — and arguably essentially the most vital “thought chief” of the RSS — M S Golwalkar can have the reader see a sample that’s all too acquainted. There are invocations of “One Nation, One… (fill within the clean)”. The working theme is considered one of Hindu victimhood and persecution. And, maybe most importantly, the concept of a wonderful previous and dominant future is scuppered solely by enemies. These enemies, in “Guruji” Golwalkar’s worldview, are Western liberal concepts and folks, minorities (particularly Christians and Muslims) and Communists.

Are Bhagwat’s views extra advanced than Golwalkar’s? There are modifications, although minimal, in terminology, however the import is similar. There’s the unnamed however simply recognized spectre of the international hand — “international locations that declare to be democratic” however will “solely let Bharat develop as much as a sure restrict”. The disaster in Bangladesh is framed largely as an assault by international powers, the political disaster as an assault on Hindus. This notion of “Hindus at risk” is a query of politics, not faith. Why not, for instance, are Awami League supporters at risk? And even anti-BNP forces besieged in Bangladesh? When political ideology is clouded by the hammer of faith and insecurity, each subject is the nail of persecution.

The actual significance of Bhagwat’s speech (like Golwalkar’s ideology) — and its revanchism — lies not in geopolitics however in manufactured insecurity round concepts that are removed from politically dominant in mainstream politics. The inner menace for Golwalkar, Communists of the outdated selection, have been changed by “wokeism” and “cultural Marxists” in the present day. “An entire destruction of values thought-about virtuous,” based on Bhagwat, “is the modus operandi of this group”. Woke tradition, when it comes to each quantity and political affect, is insignificant in India. However maybe that’s an underestimation primarily based on a myopic political view. The RSS, in any case, is a “cultural organisation”. Its obsession with curricula and universities — the very best instance is the outsize significance of JNU within the nationwide dialog — displays, actually, a deeper understanding and a long-term aim.

Within the phrases of Golwalkar, “Proper from its inception, the Sangh has clearly marked out as its aim the moulding of the entire of society, and never merely anyone a part of it, into an organised entity.” The Sangh’s goal just isn’t merely political energy however “moulding males”. This explains why “wokeism” and “cultural Marxists”, fringe concepts even in Indian universities, whose goal is “to is to convey the mind-shaping methods and establishments of the society below one’s affect… the training system and academic establishments, media”, are talked about by Bhagwat whereas the Congress occasion just isn’t. The latter is a mass occasion, making an attempt to determine what the folks need. For the RSS, then and now, the problem is ideologies that transcend the hurly-burly of electoral politics.

The best testomony to the truth that the RSS in the present day is merely the outdated Hindutva with higher techniques lies in its engagement with caste. For, it’s on this area of political and social life that the Sangh and BJP have proven the best evolution. From the celebration of Dalit, Adivasi and OBC icons — notably the makes an attempt to applicable the legacy of Ambedkar and Birsa Munda, amongst others — to the style during which the BJP has distributed tickets, chosen chief ministers and Union ministers it has proven that it’s prepared to incorporate the traditionally marginalised.

Does the seeming “inclusion” and growth venture an ideological shift?

All through his speech, Bhagwat focussed on “concord”. Within the context of a caste-based agrarian financial system and patriarchal household, “concord” has at all times signalled the defence of a established order. It’s the chorus of the father-in-law, the upper-caste village elder, the Nice Chief when he’s confronted with assertions of those that ought to “obey” him. In spite of everything, the silent obedience of the oppressed is the utopia of the oppressor. Any real change is seen as an “erosion of values”. For Bhagwat, this bogey might be present in cell phones and OTT platforms; for Golwalkar, the menace was the “permissiveness” of Western society. For each, the inclusion of the marginalised is a matter of sustaining concord, not equality.

None of that is to say that there isn’t any distinction between the Sangh, then and now. In Golwalkar’s time, the organised Hindu Proper was away from state energy and its cries of victimhood — whereas nonetheless incredulous — have been nonetheless a weapon of the comparatively (politically, not socially) weak. In the present day, because the BJP’s dominance continues below the management of considered one of its personal, the RSS’s protestations look like much more of a champagne downside.

aakash.joshi@expressindia.com