
Apr 16, 2025 14:02 IST
First revealed on: Apr 16, 2025 at 14:02 IST
Written by Vijayakumar M Boratti
Census in trendy India has by no means been a matter of mere numbers. It invariably incorporates social and political overtones. Furthermore, any effort to enumerate caste has at all times elicited caste assertions and opposition to it. So, it isn’t shocking that the Karnataka authorities’s latest choice to make public the survey of the state’s social, financial and academic demography, aka the caste survey, performed in 2015, has stirred the hornet’s nest. Whereas it has turn into a matter of concern for castes just like the Vokkaligas and the Lingayats, it’s a “wait and watch” state of affairs for different communities.
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Following the announcement of an analogous census in Telangana, Rahul Gandhi’s repeated promise to conduct a pan-India caste census and the manifesto promise of Congress in Karnataka pushed CM Siddaramaiah to make the survey public after a spot of almost a decade. It was really performed beneath the supervision of H Kantharaj, former president of the Karnataka State Fee for Backward Lessons.
The caste census in Karnataka, which incorporates the main points and enumeration of each neighborhood, was performed almost after 85 years. The current census of the Karnataka authorities claims to offer a “scientific” and “correct” image of caste and communities with an exhaustive profile of their social and financial standing, together with sub-castes of OBCs, minorities, SC/STs and even conventional ahead castes.
At a time when the BJP is attempting to consolidate the Hindu vote in Karnataka utilizing polarisation ways, the report could thwart its makes an attempt by bringing again the politics of caste assertion. The caste survey makes one bear in mind the legacy of Devaraj Urs who engineered the reservation coverage for the Ahinda castes again within the Nineteen Seventies, inviting the wrath of the Lingayats and the Brahmins. Although the Karnataka authorities is attempting to defend its announcement by resorting to the discourse of coverage issues and equal alternatives, the BJP appears to be afraid that caste politics would weaken Hindutva. It isn’t dropping any alternative to slam the Congress authorities, invoking the tried-and-tested trope of “Muslim appeasement”. Notably, the Muslims, in keeping with the report, represent the one largest group after the Scheduled Castes.
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Although the Karnataka authorities has plans to debate and talk about the fee’s report within the Meeting, sure “stereotypical” views are being circulated. For instance, the Congress authorities needs to consolidate its Ahinda votes, or that the Muslims outnumber all different castes and communities in Karnataka, or that the federal government is pursuing Muslim appeasement for its electoral votes. These narratives are already gaining recognition. Just a few mainstream Kannada tv channels are over-enthusiastically spreading these narratives with out being attentive to the historical past and floor realities.
Karnataka has a historical past of offering reservation to Muslims inside the Backward Lessons class. In 1979, the division bench of Karnataka Excessive Court docket, citing the studies of the primary backward fee, stated, “The Fee has, nevertheless, discovered that the Muslims are socially and educationally backwards and likewise wouldn’t have ample illustration within the service. The truth that they’re a non secular minority isn’t any grounds to exclude them from the checklist of Backward Lessons. The federal government, in our opinion, was completely justified in itemizing the Muslims within the checklist of Backward Lessons”. The Supreme Court docket even upheld the judgment in 1985. Following this, the federal government once more fashioned a second backward fee beneath the management of T V Venkataswamy, which additionally discovered that Muslims certified as members of the Backward Lessons. Nonetheless, these historic details don’t bar the BJP from accusing the Congress of “Muslim appeasement”.
However, the Janata Dal (S) has criticised the federal government for dividing the Vokkaligas and the Lingayats, albeit with out resorting to the language of faith. By doing so, it nonetheless hopes to retain its secular picture. Congress must tread calmly. It could actually afford to lose the help of neither the Lingayats and the Vokkaligas, nor the Muslims and the OBCs.
The author teaches at College of Mysore