Carrying a well-ironed crisp yellow shirt, N Chandrababu Naidu, 74, a veteran of coalition politics, visited New Delhi to fulfill the Prime Minister and key Cupboard ministers for the fourth time since he took cost because the Chief Minister on June 12 this 12 months. From the teachings he learnt since he first fought elections in 1978 to welfare and revdi politics and ideological variations with the BJP, Naidu spoke with The Indian Categorical for over 90 minutes in his first interview to a newspaper because the thirteenth Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh.
My focus is on creating infrastructure and a information financial system. Hyderabad is a mannequin of this—IT, biotech, pharma, finance, and human useful resource growth, mixed with world-class roads and an airport, which I initiated 25 years in the past. These developments introduced wealth and employment.
For Andhra Pradesh, I see immense potential within the east coast’s port-led manufacturing and inexperienced vitality—particularly inexperienced hydrogen. My earlier reforms within the energy sector paved the best way for this. We additionally have to faucet into electronics manufacturing, EV manufacturing, and agro-processing.
Now, my focus is not only on the benefit of doing enterprise however the pace of doing enterprise. Actual-time progress is important. I set cut-off dates, monitor progress intently, and take suggestions from entrepreneurs to make sure accountability. Pace is the necessity of the hour.
By 2047, I intention to make Andhra Pradesh a premier state with a give attention to employment era and poverty eradication.
You could have held many conferences on a brand new industrial coverage to draw personal funding. What are the important thing parts that may give Andhra an edge over its neighbouring states?
The important thing to success is constructing a powerful model, be it for a pacesetter or a state. Hyderabad is a first-rate instance of how a well-established popularity sustains development throughout governments. I’m crafting a transparent, forward-looking industrial technique, emphasising ease of doing enterprise. Andhra Pradesh has distinctive strengths, significantly in inexperienced vitality. With considerable photo voltaic and wind sources, and the potential for pumped vitality within the Deccan plateau, we’re well-positioned for inexperienced vitality and inexperienced hydrogen. So these two are a lethal mixture. Our seven ports can even permit for important exports on this sector.
Moreover, now we have strengths in horticulture, aquaculture, and meals processing, in addition to electronics, {hardware}, pharma, and even the auto business. Simply as I reworked Hyderabad into a number one metropolis, competing with Bangalore, I’m assured Andhra Pradesh will thrive by leveraging these benefits.
How essential is land acquisition in your industrial plans? Does the federal government or industrial companies have already got enough land banks, or is there a necessity for extra?
Typically priorities are misunderstood. We’d like land for each housing and business, however steadiness is vital. As an illustration, I acquired important land for industrial growth, however my successor (Jagan) used a lot of it for home websites. Whereas housing is essential, we will’t sacrifice employment alternatives by giving freely all of the land for houses. Now I’ve to accumulate land for business.
Traditionally, I by no means confronted challenges in buying land. For Hyderabad airport, I secured 5,000 acres, and for Amaravati, I efficiently pooled 33,000 acres. Now, we wish to add one other P to the PPP mannequin — public-private-people partnership (PPPP). Farmers can pool their land, whereas builders deal with infrastructure, creating win-win conditions for everybody. Farmers will profit in an enormous method.
The “Tremendous Six” welfare schemes are an enormous price on the exchequer. What pressured you to go for aggressive populism?
Because the financial reforms of 1991, we’ve seen main shifts. Earlier than reforms, development was stagnant, however post-reforms, wealth was created. Nevertheless, over the previous 33 years—from 1991 to 2024—we’ve seen wealth more and more concentrated in a number of fingers. The anticipated trickle-down hasn’t labored as hoped, and now we’d like a distinct mannequin altogether.
Aspirations have risen, and public insurance policies should strike a steadiness between welfare and growth. Jagan centered solely on welfare, ignoring wealth creation and income era. I promised each. After taking workplace, I discovered the state burdened with an enormous debt of over ₹10.5 lakh crores and damaged establishments. so it should take time to sort things. Already, we’ve carried out a ₹4,000 minimal pension, costing ₹33,000 crores yearly. Different initiatives like Anna canteens have began, and we’re specializing in balancing welfare with growth as we transfer ahead.
In opposition to the backdrop of the monetary challenges you’ve gotten simply talked about, what are the 2 to 3 stuff you wish to do to assist the state’s monetary restoration within the subsequent 5 years?
One key issue is that we’re a part of the central authorities, and so they’re providing some assist, particularly because of the bifurcation. We’ve restarted tasks like Amravati and Polavaram, which can put us on a growth path. I’m additionally working arduous to draw main investments into the state and tighten up the functioning of all departments.
We’re utilizing each central and state funds effectively, and I’m exploring progressive methods to spice up income with out burdening the frequent man. I’ve additionally directed my departments to review neighbouring states and national-level practices to undertake any helpful approaches.
You’ve lengthy been a champion of federalism. Many southern states usually specific issues about restricted powers to generate sources. How do you view the problem of useful resource era?
Useful resource constraints are a problem for any authorities, however the one actual answer is wealth creation. As you create wealth, your income era naturally will increase, permitting you to steadiness welfare and growth successfully. There are not any shortcuts—it is a confirmed method worldwide.
As Chief Minister, you invested closely in growing Hyderabad, nevertheless it went to Telangana. In hindsight, do you suppose the bifurcation of Andhra Pradesh was a good suggestion?
I’ve at all times had a imaginative and prescient for your entire Telugu neighborhood, and sure, I developed Hyderabad into probably the greatest cities. However bifurcation has occurred, and I can’t dwell on regrets or proceed commenting on it. The Telugu neighborhood in Telangana acquired Hyderabad, and that’s the fact. My focus now could be on constructing Andhra Pradesh.
Once we began rebuilding Andhra in 2014, we have been among the many prime three in financial development. Sadly, the ecosystem we had constructed has been fully destroyed during the last 5 years, and now I’ve to rebuild from scratch.
Evaluating Telangana now isn’t useful. It’s been 10 years since bifurcation—what’s completed is finished… Good or dangerous, we should transfer ahead.
On pending points between Andhra and Telangana, which of them would you prioritise?
We lately had a gathering the place either side mentioned these points. We agreed to first have officers from either side sit collectively to re-articulate and resolve the pending issues. Following that, ministers from Andhra and Telangana will meet to kind issues out.
I don’t wish to touch upon the problems now since any remark can have an implication. My intention is to resolve these points amicably. With central assist and cooperation from Telangana, we will transfer ahead and compete collectively. That’s my final purpose.
You gained the state election in 2014, misplaced in 2019, and now you’re again in energy. In between, you additionally spent 51 days in jail. What political classes have you ever realized from each your moments of energy and weak spot over the previous decade?
It’s been greater than 10 years of challenges. I first grew to become Chief Minister in 1995, and now I’m in my fourth time period. One key lesson I’ve realized is that each time I grew to become overly obsessive about attaining issues shortly, I confronted setbacks. In 1995 and 1999, I gained with sweeping victories, however in 2004, I misplaced as a result of I used to be too centered on doing all the pieces directly—internet hosting Invoice Clinton, Tony Blair, placing Andhra on the world map. That loss set me again for 10 years.
In 2014, I returned to energy, and whereas Telangana developed, I noticed it on account of my work on Hyderabad. Then once more, I grew to become obsessive about doing extra for Andhra, and I misplaced in 2019. These 5 years have been painful for the state, with plenty of harm completed to our progress, setting us again 20-30 years.
Now, I’m centered on rebuilding, however I’ve realized that it’s important to be systematic and affected person. I’ve the expertise and know what to do, nevertheless it’s essential to steadiness welfare and growth. I need to talk with the individuals constantly, be clear, and clarify my actions. Feeling real and incomes the individuals’s belief is extra essential. When you’re obsessed, it’s possible you’ll not talk correctly, it’s possible you’ll not hear. That’s how I plan to maneuver ahead, listening, fixing, and convincing the general public with sincerity and steadiness.
Faith has more and more influenced political outcomes in India… What’s your evaluation of the 2024 election outcomes?
From my expertise, management is probably the most decisive consider elections. This was my tenth election, and over time, I’ve noticed that whereas numerous components can affect outcomes, it’s the confidence individuals have in a pacesetter that finally issues. In 2014, Narendra Modi was elected as a result of individuals believed in his management. The identical occurred in 2019. Now, in 2024, regardless of a smaller majority, he was elected for a 3rd time, which isn’t a simple feat—few leaders in Indian historical past have managed that. Even Indira Gandhi confronted important setbacks.
The individuals belief Modi as a result of they see him delivering and making a distinction. Management, greater than every other issue, drives electoral success. In my very own profession, I’ve typically been imbalanced in my method, however Modi has discovered a technique to keep steadiness, and that’s why he continues to succeed. Because the senior-most politician within the nation, that is my evaluation of the 2024 elections.
You’re an essential ally of the BJP within the present Lok Sabha equation. Having been a part of the NDA below Narendra Modi from 2014 to 2018, and now once more, do you see any distinction within the relationship between TDP and BJP, particularly given your position as a kingmaker?
From the start, the Telugu Desam Occasion (TDP) has at all times prioritised sustaining credibility and stability. This has been our energy all through our historical past. In politics, you win some, you lose some, however stability is what units us aside. Since 1996-97, we’ve been a key participant within the NDA, supporting Atal Bihari Vajpayee Ji for six and a half years with out searching for positions—our focus was at all times on state and nationwide growth. From 2014-19, when BJP had a majority, we have been companions, and even had two ministers.
Now, as soon as once more, we’re a part of the alliance, and collectively now we have a majority. I see no important distinction within the relationship; our focus stays the identical—working collectively for the progress of this nice nation.
Has there been any change within the BJP’s angle towards TDP?
No, I don’t see any change. The one distinction we had beforehand was over the difficulty of particular standing for the state. Whether or not that was proper or flawed is a separate challenge. At present, we nonetheless have the identical respect, coordination, and shared function as earlier than.
Southern states have at all times been involved in regards to the affect of delimitation on their illustration in Parliament. Has this challenge been mentioned inside the NDA, and the way do you view it?
India presently advantages from a demographic dividend, whereas many international locations are grappling with ageing populations. This benefit will final till 2047, after which we’ll see a pure decline. South India, with a decrease fertility charge, is already dealing with the ageing challenge, and it’ll step by step affect North India as nicely. Balancing demographic administration is essential. It’s time for South India to have interaction in discussions on this to make sure that demographic shifts are managed nicely.
However do you are worried in regards to the Southern States’ voice being diminished in Parliament?
I’m not apprehensive. Southern states had the preliminary benefit resulting from financial reforms, and we’ve progressed. Now, North India is beginning to profit as nicely. Concerning political illustration, I don’t suppose there can be important adjustments. Traditionally, each Meeting and Parliament seats have been fastened in respect to the states. For instance, Andhra Pradesh has 25 MPs, and I consider 25 MPs can be there, relying on inhabitants, seats can be divided. Similar factor has to proceed.
Is there a coordination mechanism with allies? If sure, are you or is your celebration taken into confidence earlier than choices just like the Waqf Invoice are taken?
No, now we have given our opinion. In Parliament additionally, we’re engaged on that.
However what about delicate points..
Then I can at all times choose up the telephone and name them and allow them to know our opinion.
Within the Tirupati laddu challenge, it took the Supreme Court docket to lastly emphasise that faith needs to be stored separate from politics. Isn’t {that a} criticism of your authorities’s dealing with of this challenge?
All through my life, I’ve at all times maintained non secular concord. When the Balaji temple confronted points, I acted swiftly. There have been complaints in regards to the deterioration of the laddu high quality, and there have been agitations. After I returned (to energy), I appointed the fitting individuals to go for reforms. We despatched laddu samples for NABL accreditation, and we obtained stories.
There is no such thing as a political controversy from my finish. I’ve solely spoken on sustaining purity and sanctity. The Supreme Court docket additionally recognised this, acknowledging that it was a matter of devotee sentiments, which wanted to be protected. We welcomed their determination (to arrange an unbiased SIT), and the reforms are persevering with.
When Jagan’s religion got here up earlier than his go to to the temple.. that was seen as an try and pigeon-hole and stereotype Reddy (who occurs to be a Christian) as a minority neighborhood politician…
No, no, it’s not about that. What I’m saying is, if I am going to a church, I need to observe their customs. If I am going to a masjid, I respect their traditions. Equally, when anybody visits Tirupati, there are particular traditions and guidelines that should be adopted. You can’t violate them. Jagan saying he wouldn’t observe these traditions, since he didn’t need to do it as CM, will not be appropriate. For those who made a mistake as Chief Minister doesn’t imply you’ll be able to proceed to make that mistake.
However your ally (Pawan Kalyan) could be very captivated with this and Sanatan Dharma..
Individuals can have their very own concepts, and there’s nothing flawed with that. However finally, all the pieces must be balanced. We’re doing that—balancing. If one thing occurs to your God, you’ll naturally really feel harm. That’s what I’m saying—no person has the fitting to disturb such deep sentiments.
There’s been criticism from opposition leaders about using state equipment to focus on rivals. You’ve had an analogous expertise throughout your arrest. What’s your tackle these accusations?
In some states, sure, this has occurred. But when there’s any stable proof, then naturally, enquiries need to be performed. With out proof, nothing may be completed—that’s not appropriate.
Even centrally, companies like ED and CBI appear to be used disproportionately towards opposition leaders…
I don’t wish to touch upon the deserves of the circumstances. If there’s proof, then they (companies) need to act. As an illustration, in my case, there was nothing they might show.
However the course of will also be punishing… you your self spent 51 days in jail…
That’s the reason they paid a heavy worth in elections.
Even should you don’t wish to go into the deserves of a case, I’m simply taking the instance of 1 political chief, Arvind Kejriwal, somebody you shared heat ties with. What do you suppose it means for the way forward for a political celebration when its tallest chief is imprisoned?
I don’t wish to remark particularly on that case. However I wish to say that finally, there are checks and balances in democracy. Persons are the last word judges. Does the motion of companies mirror the temper of the individuals? If it didn’t, then what does that point out? So, that’s the place now we have to work in such a method that no company or particular person can act excessively. The fantastic thing about democracy is its checks and balances, which can robotically appropriate issues.
The census has been inordinately delayed. This not solely impacts determination making within the Centre however in states too.
With Aadhaar and expertise, the census will also be completed in actual time sooner or later. Know-how has to play an enormous position right here, an enormous position. Earlier, the census was crucial to collect information—demographic profiles, financial profiles, and different fundamentals. However now, real-time knowledge is obtainable. We’re implementing Ayushman Bharat with real-time updates of medical information, which can give us the well being profile of the nation. DBT. If we combine all this knowledge—demographic, financial, academic, and skill-related—we will monitor real-time profiles of households throughout caste, faith, financial standing, and schooling. This may make the census extra dynamic and data-driven.
Do you suppose there needs to be a caste census?
Caste census, sure, it needs to be completed. There’s a sentiment, and there’s nothing flawed with it. You do a caste census, you do an financial evaluation, and also you go for a talent census. You’re employed out easy methods to construct all these items and cut back financial disparities.
However you’re saying that this sentiment needs to be honoured for the caste census?
Sure, you need to honour it. There are not any second ideas.. On the identical time, poverty is the largest challenge. Even should you belong to a weaker part, in case you have cash, society will respect you. If you’re from an higher caste and don’t have cash, no person will respect you. Wealth is an enormous leveller. That’s the place you need to discover steadiness.
TDP and BJP have some stark variations. As an illustration, BJP’s stance on reservation based mostly on faith, whereas Andhra Pradesh gives reservation to Muslims. How do you reconcile these?
Even in a household, two brothers are usually not at all times the identical, proper? Two sisters, or youngsters, can have variations too. We can have ideological variations, however we are going to work collectively. It’s easy. My celebration is a regional celebration, and their’s is a nationwide celebration—we each have our compulsions. However what’s essential is how we work for the nation. Nation-building and benefiting the individuals of this nice nation are what actually matter.
But when one thing troubles you, are you able to simply name the Prime Minister?
All the time, that’s not an enormous downside. If crucial, we are going to search his appointment and discuss. Typically, there can be points, however we are going to talk about them amicably. Over time, each our events have constructed sturdy histories—TDP has been round for 40 years, and BJP for even longer. These are events with ideologies and historic backgrounds. From the start, since NTR’s time, we’ve labored with BJP. For 45 years, from the 1983 August disaster to 1984, everybody was concerned, together with leaders like Vajpayee and Advani.
